* I am deeply grateful to the fellows and staff at the Stanford Humanities Center, where I completed part of this project’s work in Spring 2000. The scholarly enthusiasm, creativity and excellence of the center and the people associated with it has been a continued source of profound inspiration for me.

A note regarding translations: all translations of French and German into English are the author’s unless otherwise indicated in the citation.

1. The description of Hellerau which opens Upton Sinclair’s novel, World’s End, is partly fictional and should not be taken as historical evidence. Sinclair claims that the opera began with the overture and ended with the blissful reunion of Orpheus and Eurydice, for example. These are literary details invented by Sinclair for the purposes of his novel.

2. Bie, like other critics, did not seem to recognize this as a yin-yang symbol. Instead, he described it as “an S in a circle” (“eine S-Linie im Kreis”). See also Seidl 28.

3. The supporters of the Hellerau project frequently compared Jaques-Dalcroze’s Bildungsanstalt to the pedagogical province from Goethe’s Wilhelm Meisters Wanderjahre. See Die Schulfeste der Bildungsanstalt Jaques-Dalcroze, title page; Seidl 12, 15, 23; and Marsop 363. Seidl commented that this symbol embodied the Hellerau project and could be seen from very far away (29). It is important to note that Jaques-Dalcroze’s production of Gluck’s Orpheus und Eurydice took place at dusk. Seidl comments on how inconvenient he found the 7:00 pm starting time in comparison with the 4:00 pm scheduling of operatic performances at Bayreuth (31).

4. For a description of the building as “naked” see Engel in the Berliner Tageblatt, 3 June 1912 (Appia 103).

5. The main hall was 49 meters long, 16 meters wide, and twelve meters high, creating an unusual rectangular space that critics frequently mentioned in their reviews. The bare walls had been draped in a white cloth, over which were set 3,000 blue, green and white light bulbs at equal intervals. A second wax-drenched white cloth had been hung one meter over the lightbulbs in order to diffuse the glow of light. Capable of alternating in patterns of blue, green, and white and creating crescendos and diminuendos, the strength and color of the lightbulbs were set in motion by the engineer Harald Dohrn, who handled a light console with 47 circuits behind the scenes and also controlled the mobile screens on the ceiling which could be lowered to allow light to pass from projectors that acted as spotlights. The light system cost 70,000 Marks and was installed by Siemens-Schuckert, as many critics commented. It had been invented by Alexandre von Salzman, inspired by Jaques-Dalcroze and Adolph Appia, and influenced by Rudolf Steiner. This description of the light is provided in Appia 103–11.

6. Paul Bekker, review in the Frankfurter Zeitung, 21 June 1912, translated into French by Marie L. Bablet-Hahn in Appia 207. Salzman wrote that “instead of lighted space, we have a light-producing space. Light is conveyed through the space itself, and the diversion of visible light sources is done away with.” (“So haben wir statt eines belichteten Raumes einen leuchtenden Raum. Das Licht ist in den Raum selbst übertragen, und das Ablenkende der sichtbaren Lichtquelle fällt weg”) (70).

7. The crowd included, at different times, Ernest Bloch, Paul Claudel, Serge Diaghilev, Harley Granville-Barker, Hugo von Hofmannsthal, Hanya Holm, Percy Ingham, Kurt Jooss, Rudolf von Laban, Le Corbusier, Emil Nolde, Anna Pavlova, Serge Rachmaninoff, Max Reinhardt, Alfred Roller, George Bernhard Shaw, Upton Sinclair, Constantin Stanislavski, and Prince Serge Volkonski.

8. Jaques-Dalcroze’s interest in Greek orchestique is documented in Dutoit-Carlier 349–50. Jaques-Dalcroze felt that Grétry, Gluck, Wagner, Schiller, and Goethe had all tried in the past to create an “art analogous to Greek orchestique” (“un art analogue à l’orchestique grecque”) (no source, qtd. in Dutoit-Carlier 349). Most contemporaneous writers traced Jaques-Dalcroze’s definition of Greek dance back to Wagner’s commentary in Das Kunstwerk der Zukunft, an excerpt of which was included in the original program for the school festival in Hellerau in 1912. See Die Schulfeste der Bildungsanstalt Jaques-Dalcroze: Programmbuch 33–40.

9. Most of these plans never materialized, due to the financial bankruptcy faced by the Hellerau project after 1914. See Arnold 350.

10. Riemerschmidt was not the only architect to work in Hellerau, however. Over the years the style of its buildings did not remain unified.

11. In their desire to transform human beings by providing them with the proper surrounding, training, and culture, the developers of the Hellerau project showed their allegiance to the ideals of the ambiguous movement known as the “Reform of Life.” See De Michelis 149; and Frecot 138–52.

12. Classes in harmony and choral singing were taught by Ernst Lendvai. See De Zoete 23.

13. See Gluck, Orfeo ed Euridice. Gluck’s Orpheus was performed around this time, for example, in Chemnitz (1913), Dresden, Frankfurt (1913), Hellerau (1913), Lauchstedt (1913), London (1905), Mézières (1911), Milan (1907), Munich (1909), New York (1906,10,12), Orange (1911), and Paris (1905, 07, 08, 12, 13). For lists of performances of Gluck’s works in Germany in the first fourteen years of the twentieth century, see Keller. Abert comments on the lack of attention given to Gluck in Germany at the time of the founding of the Gluck Gesellschaft in “Zum Geleit” 1. In a later article, Abert writes that Gluck is no longer “alive: the masses relate to him as Faust would to the bible: they admire him, but without any desire. For many people, not only amateurs but also musicians, Gluck is a long forgotten great.” (“lebendig: Die grosse Masse stellt sich zu ihm, wie etwa Faust zu den Sakramenten: sie ehrt ihn, doch ohne Verlangen; für viele, und zwar nicht allein unter den Laien, sondern auch unter den Musikern, ist er eine längst abgetane Größe”) (Abert, “Gluck” 1). See also “Gluck Orphée.”

14. Arend argues that Gluck’s dance compositions interrelated in important ways with developments in dance in his own day, their resonances being felt in Richard Strauss’s Josephslegende, the events at Hellerau, and the dances of Isadora Duncan (17). Arend published the libretto to Gluck’s Don Juan in the Neue Zeitschrift für Musik (1905): 12–14.

15. Storck and others defined Beethoven’s music as most inappropriate for realization in dance (30). Isadora Duncan received harsh criticism for her use of Beethoven’s Symphony No. 7 in 1908 and again in 1909, with Walter Damrosch and the New York Sympony Orchestra (Daly 143). Compare, as well, the comments on Beethoven, Wagner, program music, and Jaques-Dalcroze’s project in Hellerau in Bachmann 139–144; and Brandenburg 74–76. Brandenburg rejects Storck’s and others’ distinction between “tönend bewegte Formen” and Ausdrucksmusik, concluding that the best music for dance is that which contains “movement impulses” (Bewegungsimpulse).

16. Berlioz not only enriched Gluck’s orchestra through an informed analysis of the original scores, but also rewritten Orpheus’s part for a mezzo-soprano (Pauline Viardot-Garcia), establishing a tradition that survived in Germany until Fall 1913. See Barsham’s “Berlioz and Gluck.” Barsham gives a table comparing Berlioz’s with Gluck’s Viennese and Parisian versions of the opera on pages 127–34 of the same volume.

17. Jaques-Dalcroze wrote a series of letters to Appia after the performances in Mézières and St. Petersburg, expressing his dissatisfaction with them. In an undated letter to Appia, he writes that the staging in Mézières “resulted from a pictoral fantasy, and never, not for a single moment, from the music” (“Une mise en scène improvisée issue d’une fantaisie picturale, mais ne découlant pas de la musique, à aucun moment”) (qtd. in Stadler 440).

18. When the second act of Orpheus was performed in Hellerau in 1912, a stage curtain was not present. It was added, however, in 1913. Adolph Appia strongly disapproved of the use of this curtain, because it distinguished between the performers and spectators in a manner he found old-fashioned (Volbach 87–92). There is very little information on the orchestration Jaques-Dalcroze used for his production of Gluck’s Orpheus. We do know, however, that the orchestra was sunken and invisible, and that the instruments had been arranged in an unusual fashion to accentuate their individual colors. See Riesenfeld 472.

19. Description given by Richard Vesely, in Hudebni Revue (Prague) 6 (1912–13): 573–75; translated into French in Appia 215. See also Auguste de Morsier’s review from the Journal de Genève (30 June 1913) in Appia 218. H.C. Bonifas notes in his review in La Semaine littéraire (Geneva, 26 July 1913) that the overture was omitted (Appia 222). It was common to use a female alto for the part of Orpheus in Germany at this time, although the much talked about staging in Lauchstadt in November 1913 used a baritone as noted above. See “’Orpheus’ auf der Elbinger Waldbühne.”

20. Although Jaques-Dalcroze admired Isadora Duncan’s revolutionary desire to revive Greek dance, he felt that she did not understand or respond adequately to the music. See Dutoit-Carlier 351–52.

21. A comparison of Jaques-Dalcroze’s movement practice with recent recorded performances of Gluck’s Orpheus demonstrates how innovative and musical his approach was. In the Glyndebourne Festival Opera production of Orpheus, the dancers walk rhythmically against the music in both this scene and the “Dance of the Blessed Spirits,” demonstrating not a dramatic intention, but rather a lack of feeling for the music they are singing. (Watch video example 2)

22. Jaques-Dalcroze’s writings quote most frequently not from late nineteenth–century philosophy, but rather from classical French eighteenth–century writers like Diderot, Montaigne, La Rochefoucauld, Rousseau, and Fenélon. Nevertheless, German critics tended to link his plastique animée to Nietzsche’s philosophy. See Riesenfeld. In his study on Hellerau, Seidl rooted Jaques-Dalcroze’s plastique animée in a German aesthetic tradition beginning with Lessing’s Laokoon, and developing through Herder’s “Von der Grazie,” Schiller’s “Bühne als moralische Bildungsanstalt” and Briefe über ästhetische Erziehung, Goethe’s Wilhelm Meisters Wanderjahre, Heinrich von Kleist’s “Gespräch über das Marionetten-Theater,” Wagner’s Das Kunstwerk der Zukunft, Gottfried Keller’s “Am Mythenstein,” Nietzsche’s Unzeitgemäße Betrachtungen, Hans von Bülow’s “III. Deutschen Kunsterziehungstag,” and Karl Bucher’s Arbeit und Rhythmus. Many of these sources are cited frequently throughout the literature on Hellerau.

23. Jaques-Dalcroze used and studied primarily music by Chopin, Berlioz, and Liszt in his classes on rhythmic gymnastics. He made a particular point of buying all his students copies of Beethoven’s Symphony No. 7, so that they could study the dance rhythms (See Suzanne Perrottet 48, 53, 54; and Martin 324). Like many of his contemporaries, Jaques-Dalcroze also admired Richard Strauss’s music because of its potential for modern dance. After seeing the closing dance of Strauss’s Elektra in Munich in 1909, Jaques-Dalcroze exclaimed “[Elektra] dances, and we realize how much more expressive the body is than words, even when they are sung.” (“elle danse, et l’on se rend compte alors combien le corps est plus expressif que la parole, même chantée … ”) (qtd. in Berchtold 81). Jaques-Dalcroze’s contemporaries likewise associated Strauss’s operas (especially Feuersnot, Salome, and Elektra) with a new sensibility that would lead to the physical expression of music (Riesenfeld 472, and Marsop 382–85).

24. Jaques-Dalcroze comments on rubato in “Le Rhythme au Théâtre,” La Grande Revue (Paris) (10 June 1910): 539–50 (qtd. in Appia 12). The recording you hear here of Emmy Leisner was made over a decade after her performance at Hellerau. I was not able to find any indication of how she performed the work there.

25. Many modern dancers would embrace the notion that irregular meters were more suitable to visual realization in dance.

26. Perhaps for this reason, Jaques-Dalcroze found this first act easiest to stage (letter to Appia, 11 February 1913, qtd. in Stadler 446.) Richard Wagner also felt that this act best represented “the complete harmony of music and image.” (“die vollkommene Harmonie der Musik und des Bildes.”) (Richard Wagner in a comment to the ballet master Fricke, quoted by Marsop, “Die Hellerauer Feste und ihr Programm,” in Die Schulfeste der Bildungsanstalt Jaques-Dalcroze: Programm 43).

27. Shawn describes “statue posing” as falsification of the “science which Delsarte taught” (11).

28. Jaques-Dalcroze owned Angélique Arnaud, François Del Sarte, ses découvertes en esthétique, sa science, sa méthode (Paris: A. Giraudet, 1895); and François Del Sarte, Physionomie et gestes (see Appia 28). Jaques-Dalcroze criticized Isadora Duncan’s students for adopting such poses from Greek statues, thereby neglecting spontaneous, “sincere” feelings of the music (qtd. from unnamed source in Dutoit-Carlier 352). Jaques-Dalcroze’s supporters likewise linked his approach to bodily movement back to Del Sarte, rejecting Isadora Duncan’s work as inadequate to the music. See Storck 28–29.

29. It is interesting to contemplate the correspondence between Jaques-Dalcroze’s and Appia’s understanding of space and Edmund Husserl’s definition of objectivized space in Ding und Raum. Rudolf Laban radically revised this approach by centering spatial motion subjectively in the individual in the theories of Choreographie that he developed in the 1920s.

30. Weber-Bauler’s study on Jaques-Dalcroze is quoted in Dutoit-Carlier 337–8. No source for the study is given.

31. Jaques-Dalcroze, comments from an unnamed sources in Dutoit-Carlier 321. Dutoit-Carlier cites the later work of Adolphe Ferrière as important to understanding this notion of “detente.”

32. The use of blue light in the first scene is documented by Richard Vesely, in Hudebni Revue VI, translated into French in Appia 215.

33. Seidl commented on how distressing he found the absence of Orpheus’s lyre (36–7).

34. This was the only scene in the opera in which Jaques-Dalcroze’s students sang and danced at the same time.

35. Arend comments that the furies were world famous “in spite of their normally dreadful representation” (“trotz ihrer üblichen jämmerlichen Darstellung”). He describes how Wagner omitted the dance sequences in his productions of Gluck because of his dissatisfaction with the quality of the Dresden ballet. See Arend 16; and Marsop 378.

36. Berlioz had kept the “Dance of the Furies” at the end of this act in his version of the opera from 1866. See Barsham, “Table of Numbers” 129. The dance rarely opened the act in any of the existing hybrid versions of the opera, however.

37. Isadora Duncan’s “Dance of the Furies” (1911) is recreated on the video Isadora Duncan: Movement from the Soul.

38. Adolphe Appia was the guiding influenced in the choice of costumes for this scene. Jaques-Dalcroze had been using marine blue gym suits since 1908. Adolphe Appia fought bitterly with the actual designer, the doctor Léon Weber-Bauler, over the costumes for the furies, and left Hellerau in a fit of rage. He was so distraught at the thought of the furies wearing anything fancy or colorful instead of plain blue gym suits that he was supposedly sick for eight days and cried more than he ever had in his life. In 1922, he commented to his doctor that he had wanted the furies to perform nude, and had thus resisted any attempts to give them costumes resembling clothes (Appia 111–14). There was much dispute about whether the gym suits were blue, black, or grey. In his writings on the subject, Appia favored grey as a color that could best absorb and reflect light. See “Du costume pour la gymnastique rythmique,” in Appia 160.

39. Not everybody was terrified by Annie Beck’s choreographic vision. Robert Breuer, for example, found this scene “kitsch,” exuding all the “sweet romanticism” of Bartholomé’s frescos of death. He also criticized Jaques-Dalcroze for visualizing the music in a manner that suppressed the singers’ individuality in favor of choral, mass effects. See Breuer 51–52.

40. Müller gives the most detailed account of the changes Jaques-Dalcroze made to Gluck’s score. He departs from the premise that Jaques-Dalcroze’s set as his basis a “Peters Edition” of the opera. I assume he is referring to Christoph Willibald Gluck, Orpheus: Oper in 3 Akten, Klavierauszug nach der französischen Partitur, transcribed by Alfred Dörffel (Leipzig: C.F. Peters, no date).

41. Koritz discusses how Isadora Duncan similarily convinced critics of the seriousness of her art by classicizing it, thereby diverting their attention away from her body as an object of desire (31–56).

42. Ernest Ansermet, in Gazette de Lausanne, 3 July 1913, quoted in Appia 124. Ansermet comments that the blessed spirits’ serenity was not matched by the music, which was poorly performed.

43. Jaques-Dalcroze, letter to Adolphe Appia, 20 December 1912, quoted in Stadler 446.

44. Wieland Wagner solved the problem of the third act of Gluck’s Orpheus in exactly the same manner in his more well-known production of the work in Bayreuth in the 1950s. It seems likely that Wagner would have known of or heard about Dalcroze’s earlier production.

1    2   3   Works Cited   Endnotes





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